'THE KINGDOM OF CANADA

In the mid-1800's the clamour for some kind of confederation was in full swing. The talk focused around a union of Upper and Lower Canada, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. One idea that was getting serious attentiQn was the notion of a new British Monarchy, "The Kingdom of Canada", as the British were "rich in princes". Expansion beyond the borders of Upper Canada was also being considered. The Legislative Assembly sent an expedition west, headed by George Gladman, to "determine the best route for opening a facile communication to the Red River Settlements and ultimately to the great tracts of cultivatable land beyond them".

Meanwhile, American businessmen in the Northwest were actively promoting annexation of the whole territory by the United States. The Senate considered proposals to purchase the territory from the Hudson's Bay Co., "The intervening territories between St. Paul, Minnesota and Alaska", as they were called. American agents sent to the Red River to get the reaction of the people there, reported that the local residents "will never consent to be transferred by Parliamentary edict and without a popular vote to the distant and feeble Confederation of Canada".

The Metis were again caught in the middle. Instead of the Hudson's Bay Co. and the Northwest Co., the adversaries were now Canada and the Americans. History was repeating itself for the Metis.

Gladman, who had been sent to the west to "open a facile communication", sent back his report to Upper Canada. The Bay-appointed Council of Assiniboia could not "prevent the adventurers (I will not call them lawless and dishonest, for they are chiefly natives seeking to earn an honest living in their own land) from infringing upon the assumed rights of the Company over . . . that they are pleased to call Rupert's Land". Gladman realized that any effectiveness the government did have was due to the English and French Metis leaders appointed to the Council.

The Gladman report was not well received; it contradicted what the government wanted to hear. "I am confident I speak the sentiments of the Red River people when I say their chief desires are: a voice in their own government and freedom to trade within the best markets within their reach." He also reported: "Whatever form of government may be decided upon, the preservation of peace and the maintenance of law and order will of course be its legitimate objects." Though Gladman headed the expedition, there were other members, among them a Mr. Dawson and a Professor Hind, who were filing their own reports -- more to the government's liking. Hind wrote that the decline of the European population in the Red River Settlements "worked a change for the worse . . . the tendency of the native population to throw off the humanities of civilization and approach near to the savage wildness of Indian life". In April of 1858 Gladman was "dispensed with" and replaced by Professor Hind.

In 1860 another development took place in the Red River Settlement. A Dr. Christian Schultz had joined the Canadian minority in the settlement and took the stance of "the advance guard of a new economic and political order". He had been encouraged by Hind's report that the local halfbreeds "had no paper or document of any kind to show that they held possession of their land". Schultz purchased the local paper, the "Nor'wester", and began editorializing about how "the indolent and the careless, like the native tribes of the country, will fall back before the march of superior intelligence". Schultz and his cronies called themselves the Canadian Party, and flew their own flag from Schultz's store. The group began to purchase land from the Indians that the Metis had developed and which, by law, was owned by the Hudson's Bay Co. The fact that Dr. Schultz was an Orangeman and headed the local chapter of the Masonic Lodge gave him many useful connections back in Ontario.

THE SELLING OF A LIFE STYLE

The ink had hardly dried on the Articles of Confederation when in December of 1867 William McDougall, Minister of Works, introduced a series of motions to parliament "To promote the prosperity of the new Dominion and to strengthen the Empire; the time had come to extend Canada to the Pacific". He wrote that the transfer of the Northwest to Canada must not be delayed "by negotiations with third parties". Sir John A. MacDonald was more direct; "Should these miserable halfbreeds not disband, they must be put down".

The following year, 1868, saw an absence of buffalo as well as a crop loss, which gave McDougall the needed impetus to advance the Canadian settlement of the West. As Minister of Works, he instituted 'relief' work on the Dawson Road. This construction was opposed to Hudson's Bay Co., nevertheless surveyors were sent in and local labour hired. The workers were paid by coupons that were redeemable at Schultz's store. As might be suspected in a situation like this, the men were paid less than the contract called for and the prices in the store were much higher than other communities. Schultz cashed in both ways; with his paper publishing activities of the "social elite" he felt strong enough to defy the Hudson's Bay. He was soon broadcasting that he expected governing powers when the Canadians took over.

In March of 1869, serious negotiations began for the sale of Rupert's Land to Canada. Not one Metis was represented in these negotiations, nor anyone in the area of the Hudson's Bay Co. McDougall expected that transfer of the territory would be formally completed by November. He immediately dispatched surveyors with orders to use the American system of survey, with 800 acre sections, stating, "The first immigrants and the most desirable, will probably go from Canada and it will therefore be advisable to offer them lots of a size to which they have become accustomed". Howard concludes that "the new Northwest, ostensibly to be a Territory of the Dominion, really was to be an extension of Anglo-Saxon Ontario".

The Metis had always used the French pattern of survey, with narrow river frontage and a depth of several miles. Even historians who emphasize the reluctance of the Metis to farm, admit that the ones that did exist, surveyed in the French manner, contributed to the self-sufficiency of the local people. When it became evident that the government surveyors of McDougall were actually cutting across existing farms, the patience of the Metis came to an end.

FROM SELF-IDENTIFICATION TO SELF DETERMINATION

"You go no further." These words, uttered by a young Metis with his foot on the surveyors chain, warned anyone who would listen that a time of crisis had come. The surveyor was working on the "hay-privilege" section of a Metis farm when the encounter occurred. Though almost all history books record the event, few point out that the Metis who stopped the survey was Louis Riel.

"We are Metis." So said Louis Riel and he defined what he meant when he wrote, "History of the Half-Breeds". "This is how the Metis think of the matter in their own hearts. It is true that our Indian origin is a humble one, but justice demands that we honour our mothers as our fathers. Why should we care to what degree exactly of mixture we possess European blood and Indian blood? If we feel ever so little gratitude and filial love towards one or the other, do they not constrain us to say: "We Are Metis".

The National Committee of the Metis of the Red River was formed after the survey incident with Louis Riel. The Committee mobilized 500 armed men after reports that Lt. Governor William McDougall, the same man who organized the initial probes into Red River, was coming to take control of Rupert's Land even though the territory had not yet been officially ceded to Canada. McDougall considered the official ceding of the land to be just a formality. The National Committee of the Metis sent him a message forbidding entry into the Territory of the Northwest "without special permission of this Committee", signed by John Bruce, president, and Louis Riel, secretary. McDougall prudently stopped off at Pembina and when he finally crossed the border, was warned back by an armed patrol. He obeyed. Reverend N. J. Richot, describing the formation of the National Committee said, "The council of the nation was assembled and it was resolved to organize a military force after the custom of the country in time of danger and to put it on foot in order to repel the invasion of the country by men in whom could be recognized no authority positively and legally constituted".

The Metis then had a series of fruitless meetings with the Council of Assinibois. It was obvious that a virtual state of anarchy existed and would exist until the Rupert's Land transfer was complete. Riel and 120 men occupied Fort Garry, allowing normal trade and the sitting of local courts on the premises of the Hudson's Bay post. Riel was able, by this occupation, to ensure that the Canadian Party would not have access to the biggest supply of arms and ammunition in the territory.

Riel then proclaimed a Convention of the People of Rupert's Land and invited local parishes to elect 12 delegates from the French and 12 delegates from the English communities. All responded and, after considerable bickering as to tactics Û including annexation to the United StatesÛthe Convention agreed on a List of Rights. The List was a "remarkable document" which "offered a feasible programme for union with the Dominion and at the same time managed to protect the interests of virtually all elements of an unusually heterogenous community" .

The reaction of the Canadian Party was predictable; they holed up in Dr. Schultz's store, fully armed, and established what they called Fort Schultz. Then they finagled with McDougall to forge the Queen's signature to proclamations and in general defied Riel to do his worst. Riel lined up a cannon in front of the store and Schultz surrendered. He and 45 supporters were promptly jailed. The following morning, Riel took the next step toward control of the territory.

The Declaration of the People of Rupert's Land and the Northwest in fact created a Provisional Government which described the people's rights as British subjects. The declaration offered to enter into negotiations to determine the conditions under which Rupert's Land would enter confederation. Two weeks after the declaration, Louis Riel became President. In the context of international law, Riel's action was well within the legal rights of the Metis. The Hudson's Bay Co. had effectively relinquished control of the territory and the legal transfer had not formally taken place. McDougall, on the other hand, had tried to usurp authority by illegal means. Riel had taken a course of action that had the support of the vast majority of people in the area.

THE NEW NATION

The "New Nation", as it was called, was in full control of the territory by January of 1870. It was a peaceful occupation without bloodshed, nor was any property stolen or damaged. Even the supplies of the Hudson's Bay were kept track of and up to date. The "New Nation" took over the newspaper "Nor'Wester" as the new government's voice. As well as putting the most likely opponents in custody, the Metis instigated regular patrols and avoided any conflict with the Sioux. This done, the Metis established contact with the Canadian Government to open negotiations.

The Canadian Government's reaction was to send "peace commissioners" headed by Donald A. Smith. The commissioners professed to "bring about peaceable union and entire accord among all classes of this land". They presented the Canadian proposals at two public meetings. The Metis agreed to consider the proposals but refused to release prisoners.

Twenty-four delegates from French and twenty-four delegates from English communities were called to a new convention, called 'The Convention of Forty'. Here the Metis drew up a new Bill of Rights.

Smith approved the new Rights proposal but, as he could- not speak for the Canadian Government, he suggested that delegates be sent to Ottawa. The Provisional Government was then restructured to include a legislative assembly. McTavish, who was head of the Hudson's Bay in the area, told the provisional committee, "Form a government for God's sake, I have no power or authority". Riel introduced a motion that the sale of Rupert's Land be renegotiated with the people. This motion was defeated and Riel was angered. The restructured Provisional Government flew the Union Jack until, at the insistence of others, the Metis flag was flown beside it.

Riel's own summary of the events said: "When the Dominion knocked at our doors, it found, not only the Metis in good condition to live without assistance, but the Metis people with a government of its own, free, at peace and working with its own account at the task of civilization which the Company and England could not have accomplished without thousands of troops; a Government with a defined constitution and whose jurisdiction was all the more legitimate and to be respected that it was exercised over a territory that belonged to it".

In summary, it is clear from the foregoing evidence that, contrary to white historians, the Metis could not be called "primitive" or even "semi-primitive", nor could they be called static or resistant to change, as a number of historians have maintained. The Metis were not only accepting and adapting successfully to influences around them, but were actually developing and proposing solutions that were years ahead of their time.

The real insurrection was on the part of the Canadian Party, released by the Metis after the Bay recognized the provisional government. The Party went about the territory agitating and raising support amongst the English settlers. About 500 people were recruited. Led by Boulton, they banded together and planned to march against the Metis. Louis Riel was able to disperse the group when he assured them that the English would be treated fairly, thus heading off a direct confrontation. However, a small group of malcontents, led by Boulton and Scott, were arrested along with the other members of the Party. In the subsequent proceedings, Boulton was pardoned and Scott was executed. These events are now hopelessly confused with a variety of sources presenting different scenarios. In any case, the proceedings caused Schultz to flee and raise support amongst the Orangemen of Ontario.

THE BETRAYAL OF A DREAM

The Metis delegates who were sent to Ottawa were arrested by the Ontario Government for murder. However, the Federal Government stepped in and rescued the delegates as Ontario had no jurisdiction over the matter. The Canadian parliament passed the Manitoba Act, based on the List Rights drawn up by the Metis. However, they deleted the amnesty clause and an Ontario Orangeman posted a $5,000 reward for the head of Riel. Although the land clause is misrepresented from the List of Rights in the Manitoba Act, the Act nevertheless does assign 1,400,000 acres to the Metis. Sir George Cartier, acting head of government, agreed that Riel should continue to govern in the West until the new Lieutenant Governor arrived.

The Metis delegates, who were assured by Cartier that all was well, were betrayed even as negotiations were taking place. Troops made up for the most part by Orangemen from Ontario, were dispatched west. They started out intent on revenge for the death of Scott, even before the departure of Archibald, the newly appointed Lieutenant Governor. Riel fled Fort Garry as the troops took over. Metis women and children were beaten in the steets and homes and lands were pillaged by these representatives of "civilization". Several Metis who were involved in the lawful execution of Scott were murdered, yet no one was brought to trial. Riel fled to the United States.

The American Fenian Movement now saw an opportunity to convince the Metis to opt for annexation to the United States. Louis Riel was forced to surface to lead a movement against such a measure by the Metis. He became the "unnamed leader" who assisted Lieut. Governor Archibald in resisting Fenian invasion of Canada. The year was 1872 and an election had been called. SirJohn A. was in a precarious position; if he supported Riel, he would lose OntarioÛon the other hand, if he jailed Riel, he would lose Quebec. Sir John A. did the political thing and paid Riel's "expenses" to cross the American border. Riel was followed to the United States by bounty hunters seeking to collect the $5,000 reward. After several assassination attempts, Riel decided to return to Canada.

In order to ensure that Sir George Cartier would have a "safe seat" in the elections, Riel declined to run. As fate would have it, Sir George died following the election and Riel was acclaimed in his absence. The next year, 1874, Riel won the seat by a landslide in the General Elections.

Riel now faced trumped-up murder charges brought against him by his political opponents and he fled back to the States, but in March appeared in Ottawa long enough to register as an M.P. This done, he went to Hull because of threats of arrest. In the meantime, the Manitoba Government banished Riel for five years for failing to appear in court to face the murder charges. In the same election, Sir John A. was defeated and the new government declared a general amnesty with the proviso that Riel be banished for the five-year period.

The Manitoba Act clearly assured land claims for the Manitoba Metis and this will be detailed later under aboriginal rights. However, the distribution of the 1,400,000 acres was hopelessly and deliberately confused in an effort to frustrate the Metis. The ploy was partially successful as many Metis, fed up with the red tape, left to settle in Saskatchewan.

The Metis who went further west to settle in Batoche, Saskatchewan, were about to see history repeat itself. In 1884, the situation in Batoche was almost identical to the situations in 1816 with Grant and 1860 with Riel in Red River. All the issues were the same; land rights, and arrogant decision-making by outsiders. The solutions proposed by the Metis were basically the same; title to land and provincial status. SirJohn A. was back in power and the Conservatives were not prepared to be any fairer with the Saskatchewan Metis than they had been with the Manitoba group. Gabriel Dumont and other leaders went south to the United States and persuaded Riel to return and help form a provisional government. This was done and a call to arms was issued.

But there were significant differences too, Saskatchewan was clearly Canadian territory. The C.P.R. had reached the Red River Country, thus permitting faster troop movement, and the Northwest Mounted Police had replaced the Imperial Guard. Finally, there was a new Metis player, Gabriel Dumont, the Prince of the Prairies.

Much has been written about the events of 1885 and the Battle of Batoche. The armed resistance of the Metis against the unjust actions of an oppressive government is now part of the "colourful Canadian past" and has taken on the dimensions of a legend. The Metis, although they won three out of four battles against overwhelming odds, lost the war. They could have won had they gone for the jugular but Riel prevailed against Dumont's plans and persuaded Gabriel that they did not have to win the war. It was Riel's intention to simply establish a base for negotiations. The fall of Batoche spelled the end forever of an autonomous Metis Nation. Gabriel Dumont escaped to the United States and Louis Riel surrendered, in the classic manner and pattern of his predecessor, Cuthbert Grant.

Louis Riel was charged with high treason, basically the result of a desire for vengeance by Orange Ontario. The trial was a mockery of justice but legal enough to hang Louis. His lawyers tried to plead not guilty by reason of insanity, but Riel's addresses to the jury proved otherwise. Riel saw himself as a prophet of the "New World" but the governments' attitude was expressed by the R.C.M.P., "Goddam sonofabitch is gone at last".

The Metis movement disintegrated after the hanging of Louis Riel. The people subsided into their private lives as settlers began to pour into the west. The Metis lands were re-surveyed and the "carpetbaggers" juggled land claims and in general swindled the Metis out of what little they had left. Some adapted and a few adept Metis even prospered; some slipped into the white mainstream and others fled south to the United States . . . and some journeyed north "where you can live and die and never see a white man".